The Tragedy of Hyderabad
Javed Jabbar | September 17, 2019 | Published in DAWN. Every year is full of anniversaries, happy, middling and sad. Sept 17 is particularly tragic. On this day, in 1948, India attacked the landlocked Hyderabad state from five sides, and a miniscule defending army and a dishevelled militia were crushed by huge numbers of troops, tanks and planes. Estimated tens of thousands of innocent, unarmed Muslim children, women and men were massacred. With the forced annexation of South Asia’s largest of the 565 Princely states, the new Indian state continued the direction of aggressive expansion initiated in Kashmir on Oct 26, 1947 — and repeated for the past seven decades, and then reinforced on Aug 5, 2019. In addition to the irreparable loss of lives at the hands of forces never held accountable, the exclusive, synthesising, Hyderabad’s Sufi culture in which a Muslim Nizam representing only about 14 per cent of the population ruled over about 85pc Hindus, and about one per cent of other minorities, in generally stable conditions was eroded and distorted. Soon thereafter, the Hyderabad state was divided into Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Most Pakistanis born after 1947-48 remain largely unaware of Hyderabad’s remarkable features as also about the supportive aspects of its last ruler, Nizam Osman Ali Khan, who sent cash-starved Pakistan secretly-conveyed funds and gold and unsuccessfully publicly announced (Rs20 crores in 1948, about equal to Rs2,000 crores in 2019). One hopes this letter to the editor encourages readers to choose one or more of several well-researched books that document this significant dimension. Among the finest of such books is by Dawn’s own esteemed columnists, A. G. Noorani, who has written The Destruction of Hyderabad. Websites provide links to books and sources. As we aim to prevent Indian-occupied Kashmir’s absorption into the Indian predator state, it is vital to learn about the multiple facets of the tragedy of Hyderabad — whose cultural legacy includes the hosting of numerous scholars , scientists, writers and poets and unrivalled services to Urdu, Pakistan’s national language and lingua franca. And let’s not forget the jewel in the crown, Osmania University. Senator (retd) Javed Jabbar Karachi
Painful Parallels
Javed Jabbar | September 17, 2019 | Publish in The News Though 71 years separate September 17, 1948 and August 5, 2019, there is a dark direct connection between the two dates. The first date marks the forced annexation of the princely state of Hyderabad Deccan by the Indian state. The second marks an attempt to do the same with Indian-occupied Kashmir. In the intervening seven decades, the predatory and aggressive nature of the Indian state has been fully exposed and proven. The fall of Hyderabad Deccan began on September 13, 1948 with a blatant invasion deceptively named ‘police action’ to mislead the world that this was merely a domestic law and order issue. In reality, it was a full-scale military operation by the Indian army along with bombardment by the Indian air force. The same was the case with Kashmir in 2019 when the fig-leaf of an ‘internal affair’ was claimed while violating UN resolutions, conventions and the Indian constitution itself. Commencing January 1948, India increased its blockade of the land-locked kingdom to cut off vitally needed medical supplies and other essentials. In 2019, a curfew and a communications blockade of unprecedented duration – now over 42 days – attempts to cruelly paralyse about eight million Kashmiris. Crushing the tiny, ill-equipped Hyderabadi army and a rag-tag militia called ‘razakaars’ with overwhelmingly larger numbers, tanks and planes, the Indian forces swiftly and ruthlessly moved through villages and towns to complete the conquest of Hyderabad Deccan in just four days. Tens of thousands of Muslim women, children and men were massacred. In reluctant response to the ensuing outcry, the then Indian PM Nehru tasked the Sundarlal Commission to conduct an inquiry. Its report was suppressed for decades. Partially leaked or revealed sections of the report in recent years established large-scale killings which remained unpunished. There is a bizarre similarity in this with atrocities committed by Indian troops in Kashmir for the past 30 years. One reason for the timing and speed of the invasion was the fact that an unwisely belated attempt by the princely state to seek the intervention of the UN Security Council was likely to be discussed by mid-September 1948. As it turned out, the September 16, 1948 Council meeting failed to result in an acceptance of Hyderabad Deccan’s claim to be considered a sovereign state. On August 16, 2019, the UNSC held a long overdue but informal closed-door meeting on Kashmir that certainly ended the prolonged apathy but did not produce corrective action. As the largest of the 565 princely states that had to choose accession to either Pakistan and India at the end of British colonial rule, Hyderabad Deccan declined a decision either way between mid-August 1947 and September 1948. Located virtually in the ‘belly’ of the new Indian state, the eventual choice was inevitable. But there was no agreement on terms. A Standstill Agreement was signed with New Delhi on November 29, 1947. Protracted, inconclusive negotiations moved in fits and starts. By end-August 1948, Hyderabad’s intention to be independent ended India’s pretence of respecting the right of free choice. Hyderabad roughly equalled the territorial size of Kashmir. But its population was almost double: about 16 million. The irony was that though about 85 percent of citizens were Hindus and a few other small minorities included Sikhs and Zoroastrians; the ruler (from the 14 percent Muslim community) was the Muslim Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan, the seventh to rule in a 200-year-old dynasty. He presided over a state with its own flag, currency, railways, airline and radio channel. Deccan society had exceptional dimensions: pluralist, diverse, generally harmonious in communal terms and culturally refined. The Nizam was a remarkable combination of attributes. Personally frugal – almost miserly – but rated at that time to be the world’s wealthiest individual. He was extraordinarily generous with support to education, healthcare, the indigent, literature and the arts. In the 1920s, he gifted then-poor Saudi Arabia with the first electric generators to illuminate Medina. He publicly donated new-born but fund-starved Pakistan with Rs20 crores (estimated to be equal to 2019’s Rs2000 crores); this fund was promptly blocked by India through the Bank of England where the sum was deposited) and large sums secretly conveyed to Karachi but never formally acknowledged. Kashmir’s Maharajah Hari Singh did not offer similar stark features! While the syncretic culture and Sufi ethos of Hyderabad Deccan was humanist and distinctive, there were blemishes and flaws in its earlier history and conditions in the first half of the 20th century. Where Tipu Sultan courageously defied British territorial greed, the then-Nizam collaborated with the European intruder. Though some Hindus served as either prime minister or in other high offices, Muslims enjoyed a disproportionately larger number of titles. In contrast to abundant support to scholarship and the Urdu language, the economic structure was dominated by feudal and elite tendencies. Less than 10 years after the invasion, the original territory and uniquely unified composition of Hyderabad Deccan was coldly demolished. Large swathes were sectioned off on a linguistic, ethnic basis into adjacent states such as Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. In 2014, a new state known as Telangana was born out of Andhra Pradesh and further vivisected the previous form. A systematic, sustained campaign to replace the synthesizing Hyderabadi Muslim persona with a dominant, exclusively Hindu character became clearly evident. Large numbers of Hyderabadi Muslims migrated to Pakistan in 1948 and in years thereafter while many also moved to North America, the UK and parts of the Middle East. Within the Deccan, Muslim officials were replaced by Hindus, many of them transferred from other states. In 2019, the abolition of Kashmir’s special status, the plans to alter the demographic composition in Occupied Kashmir, the separation of Ladakh and direct rule from New Delhi all represent a disturbing persistence of the intrinsically disruptive and expansive nature of the Indian state: a potent threat to regional and global stability. The writer is an author, a former senator and a federal minister and
In search of novelty
Javed Jabbar | August 14, 2019 | Publish in Dawn | THE election 2018 slogan of creating a ‘Naya’ (new) Pakistan was clearly a sincerely meant theme to express the PTI’s perspective. Yet it is only the latest articulation of a vision that was originally born with the very emergence of Pakistan 72 years ago. But within weeks of the present government taking office, the slogan first became grist for light humour and then the butt of many a joke. The derision attached to the word ‘Naya’ was only partly due to some initial stumbles by a party that came to federal office for the first time with a cabinet which included some competent but prominently ‘Purana’ (old, as in ‘familiar’!) faces. More fun was derived from the lack of swift, visible improvement in general conditions. The haste of converting an aspiration into a denunciation is unfair, given the complexity of the country’s conditions, and the learning curve of the ruling party. The contrast between a prime minister on whom no major financial corruption charge has been levelled — a major step towards a new Pakistan — and the two most recent regimes conventionally associated with malpractices survives the change from mirth to mockery. An assortment of elements The 2018 concept of a ‘Naya Pakistan’ comprises a notable assortment of elements. Frequent references to the principles of Madina in the 7th century to a 21st century state with presumably adjustments made for vastly different conditions. A charismatic leader who has the capacity to exceed expectations by the manner in which he spoke and led during the February-March 2019 crisis with India . But who also spends too much time on the corruption of past governments. A grandiose plan to build five million houses for the poor and low-income families, power truly devolved to local governments. Major institutional re-structuring. Austerity. A corruption-free, fully transparent, accountable society. Expanding the number of income tax filers. Billions of saplings to be planted. Family planning and balanced population growth to be actively promoted. An integrated syllabus and a single education system. Free healthcare for the poor. And other plans. While every party’s manifesto also lists broadly similar or familiar promises, the fact that the PTI is in office both at the Federal level and in Punjab and KPK for the first time imbues the ‘Naya Pakistan’ theme with fresh hope and possibilities. New, like no other Is the future more or at least as important as the past? There is always so much to learn from history — so full of mystery. Established as the most uniquely-created nation-state in the world, from its very inception in 1947, Pakistan was an entirely new entity in the global comity of nations. In this writer’s view, there are eight good reasons for this exclusivity. Perhaps a reference to only two of those reasons will suffice at this time. This was the only state created with two wings containing approximately equal populations separated by about a thousand miles of hostile territory. An Indian leader wrongly predicted that ‘Pakistan will not last six months’. Even in a diminished size since 1971, we abide over seven eventful decades later. A second unique feature was that no other country absorbed about 10 million refugees within its first two years of existence. The influx is still considered the largest mass migration in contemporary history in so short a period. Despite the fact that our history is replete with ‘fresh starts’, it is time to reform ourselves to gradually build a truly better, a more just and creative country of a vibrant, pulsating nation driven by purposeful action. Phases of newness The characteristic of newness, of novelty, runs through virtually our entire history. Every few years, a new phase begins without necessarily being called ‘new’ or ‘naya’ each time. Regardless of whether each such phase promising a pioneering path was under civil, political leadership or four times through military interventions into politics, there was a genuine desire to achieve a new, a better Pakistan. Which does not mean that each such attempt was well thought-through and implemented. Nor is it to suggest that every initiative was progressive. The civil-led assault on political institutions by Governor-General Ghulam Mohammad between 1951 and 1955 rendered in the name of a better future actually opened the way to the first martial law of 1958. The ups and downs of the extended Ayub Khan regime and the short but tragic tenure of Yahya Khan were followed by the disintegration of the original structure of Pakistan on December 16, 1971, with considerable help from India. The direly mixed nature of Z.A. Bhutto’s rule that promised ‘Roti, Kapra, Makan’ (food, shelter, clothing) was replaced by an adapted version of Nizam-i-Mustafa which actually became ‘Nizam-i-Ziaul Haq’. From December 1988 to October 1999, we swung pendulum extremes: from Benazir Bhutto’s two turbulent tenures to two equally volatile terms of Nawaz Sharif, with caretakers interspersed. And then a return to transient certainties of the fourth military phase led by General Musharraf, which, for the most part, was strikingly different from Ziaul Haq’s rule. The peaceful completion of the mandated terms of two elected governments from 2008 to 2018, accentuated by the transition to the start of a third elected government in 2018 represents the country’s ability to periodically produce dissimilar yet determined efforts to design new Pakistans: beautifully green and white on the flag … cruelly red with the blood of three prime ministers assassinated, in and out of office. The first attempt? Thus, there were several turning points spread over 72 years when concepts and energy were invested, for better or, as some proved to be, for worse, to build a new Pakistan. Due to limits of space, this writer will focus only on what was perhaps the first and possibly the most important effort to draw an ideological portrait for a new country. This came with the presentation of the Objectives Resolution in March 1949 by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan.
‘Ramchand Pakistani’ – 10 years on.
Javed Jabbar | September 9, 2018 | Published in The News | August-September 2018 mark ten years since the release of the cinema film “Ramchand Pakistani”. Based on actual events, the story depicted the lives of three members of a Pakistani Hindu Dalit (untouchable) family. A seven-year old boy in a remote Tharparkar village accidentally crosses the Indian border . His father , Shankar, goes looking for him — after which both become prisoners in an Indian jail . The child’s mother, Champa, is left behind with no news for several years , agonized at the two absences, uncertain about whether she has become a widow. The film’s production process led to unusually positive collaborations between individuals and States . The film’s theme explored aspects of the impersonality of inter-state matters , of a religious minority’s identity and the vulnerability of a poor Hindu woman , especially when made suddenly single . Work commenced 2006. Twenty Pakistani individuals of wide professional diversity , residents in their home country and the USA , with virtually no previous association with the cinema sector — except for the producer’s wife and the producer (this writer ) who were two of the twenty — invested varied sums to mobilize the required budget . Two major corporations and the Geo-Jang media group also became sponsors , promoters and distributors . These persons and organizations — whose names appear at the start of the film — enabled the concept to attain actuality . Constructive co-operation : To one’s pleasant surprise, Ministries and authorities in Pakistan and India gave unstinted co-operation . From security clearances to temporary work-visas, from enabling on-site research at sensitive locations — eg. jails! — to permitting uncensored candour on screen — eg. colloquial four-letter words ! — to the Prime Minister of Pakistan ( Yusuf Raza Gillani ) and an Indian Central Minister ( Anand Sharma ) attending premiere shows in their respective countries , ” RP ” became an ideal example of how otherwise two politically-estranged states , and professionals from different countries and fields can work constructively together to help create a shared narrative . To foster goodwill between the two countries rather than compound acrimony, four Indians , exceptionally gifted in their own right , were invited to join the talent from Pakistan . Nandita Das portrayed the child’s traumatized mother with extraordinary sensitivity. Debajyoti Mishra of Kolkatta composed scintillating music and songs whose evocative lyrics were penned by Anwar Maqsood . Shobha Mudgul’s powerful yet lilting voice joined with Shafqat Amanat’s nuanced sound in memorable melodies ; Aseem Sinha , the ace film editor, introduced to us by Shyam Benegal helped hone and polish the final cut . The excellence contributed by the Pakistani dimension was represented by Sofian Khan , the young Pakistani-American cinematographer working on his first full-length film ; Rashid Farooqi, ably playing the father’s role secured the Best Actor Prize while the film also gained the Best Pakistani Film Prize in the Lux National Film Awards for 2008 . Several exceptional Pakistani actors featured included Noman Ejaz, Maria Wasti , Adnan Ahmed Tipu , Saleem Meraj , Adarsh Ayaz , Zhalay Sarhadi , and others , with Sonia Rahman Qureshi as creative consultant . Two boys, Syed Fazal Hussain and Naveed Jabbar ( no relation ! ) captured the title character at different ages with engaging charm . Three American technicians joined the crew at different locations in Pakistan .Filming on a meticulously planned schedule was completed in five weeks. Post-production in New York , Mumbai and Karachi took longer — about twenty weeks. No compromises were made on technical standards. The Critics’ Oscar : At the New Delhi Osean International Film Festival, July 2008, the film won the prestigious FIPRESCI Prize , also known as the ” Critics’ Oscar ” from the International Federation of Film Critics. To the best of this writer’s knowledge , ” RP ” and its director are the only Pakistani recipients in 71 years of this much-coveted Award . . Four top international prizes followed in Switzerland, London , Sri Lanka . ” RP ” was screened at over 60 non-competitive and competitive festivals around the world , as also special screenings and on digital media and TV channels. The Museum of Modern Art in New York honoured the film with a week’s screenings. Shortly after the film’s theatrical release in 5 Indian Provinces — out of then-28 provinces — came the major terrorist incident in Mumbai in November . This abruptly ended the film’s further release in most other Indian provinces . Audiences’ reactions around the world typified viewers’ warm responses across different continents and cultures . Positive reviews : Some reviews boosted spirits . BBC World : ” ..A heart-felt film ” . Film Journal International , New York : ” Beautiful film ” . Variety magazine , USA : ” Gorgeous camera work , elaborate art direction, soaring music score ” . New York Times : ” Poignant ” . Week-end Today magazine, Singapore : ” Exquisite , passionate, engaging..beautiful music..”. The Hindu, India : ” The film with a difference “. Dawn, Pakistan : ” RP heralds a new wave of quality Pakistani films…” Other bold films : Since the time when ” RP ” was screened , some new entertainment films — a handful of appreciable quality –have scored box office bonanzas . A few — like ” Bol ” , ” ” Mor ” , ” Cake”, ” Saawan ” , ” Motorcycle Girl ” — have boldly ventured into new arenas. But the disproportionately low number of screens — only about 108 screens at 33 multi-plexes , only 40 single-screen halls with outmoded technologies — instead of at least , ideally , 1000 screens for over 200 million people) prevents financial feasibility for higher investment in an increased number of productions , and categories of productions appropriate for Pakistan’s heterogenity and large, pluralist society . A new film policy :
Leaders, words and deeds –
Javed Jabbar | August 14, 2018 | Published in Dawn. PERHAPS there is no better point at which to take a brief look at the connection between leaders, words and deeds than the 71st milestone of our country`s Independence. As the inspiring quotes cited from the speeches and statements of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Quaidi-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan testify, there can be a coherent continuity between spoken or written words and the actions taken to give them material form. Be it the personal conduct of leaders or actions taken in public to achieve shared goals where Pakistanis can take justified pride in the legacy of consistency bestowed by our two great leaders, it may be useful today to glimpse examples in this context among great leaders from other parts of the world. Consistency: Let us commence with a provocative, contrary challenge to the virtue of consistency. This comes from Winston Churchill. In his first speech as prime minister delivered in the House of Commons on May 13, 1940, he pledged to resist the threat from Nazi Germany with, among others, the following famous words: “… I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat … we shall defend our island whatever the cost may be; we shall fight on beaches, on landing grounds, in fields, in streets and on the hills. We shall never surrender ..”. In all his subsequent speeches and actions up to the end of the War, Churchill sustained his rousing, unshakable determination to secure victory eventually made possible by British grit as also due to the crucial multi-tiered support provided by the USA, both before and after the entry of America into the War following Pearl Harbour. And due to the largest-sacrifices of lives ─ over 20 million ─ rendered by the Soviet Union. Yet neither the British people proved to be consistent in their support for him Churchill`s Tory Party heavily lost the elections held within two months of victory because the voting majority preferred the Labour Party`s post-War domestic agenda nor did Churchill himself, in general terms, held consistency to be sacred. After once stating the obvious that `Changing circumstances demand different tactics` , on a broader level, in an exchange with Lord Moran, Churchill said: “I’d rather be right than consistent. During a long life I have had to eat my own words many times, and I have found it a nourishing diet.” The price that leaders sometimes have to pay for unavoidable inconsistency between words used over several years, or between words and eventual actions is to be seen as being hypocritical or opportunistic. Hazards and unknowns : By its nature, leadership is a minefield. The landscape on which politics, competition for power and statecraft are featured comprises both visible heights that are formidable to climb and invisible layers of potentially explosive issues just beneath the surface which erupt without warning. If leaders are obliged to change methods or reverse positions, make unpleasant alliances, do such summersaults necessarily also include rejection of basic values and ethics? The jury is still out on that question because of the sheer variety and individually different conditions in which leaders face choices. In the struggle against the Japanese occupation of China in the 1930s and 1940s, the otherwise mutually antagonistic forces of the Kuomintang led by Chiang Kaishek and the Communists led by Mao Zedong and Zhou En-lai collaborated against a common foe. Once the Japanese were overcome, fierce hostilities between the two erstwhile allies resumed. But even when there is no foreign occupier of a nation`s territory which may unite domestically divided elements, other factors can bring together strange bedfellows, even if only for some months! Recall the fact that, following the polls of February 2008, the PML-N willingly joined a federal cabinet led by PPP Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gillani and its ministers took the oath of office administered by their nemesis, President General (retd) Pervez Musharraf . The fact that the PML-N left the cabinet after three months does not erase the reality of the 180-degree swing. Freedom movements: During the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, the struggles against exploitative monarchies and colonialism defined noble, unequivocal goals to achieve independence. Those struggles were not affected by the ambivalence and harsh realities which come with freedom and the tasks of governance. The American War of Independence against the British of 1775-1783, the French Revolution of 1789 , Simon Bolivar`s phenomenal success against the Spanish in South America between about 1810 and 1830, the South Asian resistance against British rule in 1857 and in the first half of the 20th century, the movements against Dutch occupation in Indonesia and against French occupation in Vietnam in the 1940s, as also the brave confrontation with apartheid led by Nelson Mandela, imprisoned from 1966 to 1990 those segments of history, and others , afforded fertile soil from which both unforgettable oratory and unmistakable success bloomed and flowered. Character and conduct: The moral character of leaders is the anvil on which the continuum between the words and deeds of leaders has to be forged and tested. From prolonged possession of power to unexpected, shattering defeat, from being able to deal judiciously with factors within their own ambit to how leaders respond to elements entirely beyond their control, from extended tenures out of public office to how leaders balance the demands of their private lives and needs, with the pressures of their official duties, from their immunity to temptation to their capacity to sustain an open mind, how they speak, write and act by all these measures are leaders assessed and ranked in the record of history. Some aspects of leaders` lives perhaps remain forever inaccessible. Their intensely personal inner realms, the intricacies of intra-family relationships, self-doubts, bad dreams and even nightmares! Prosaic governance: In governance rather than in freedom movements, entirely new factors intrude into how leaders can attempt to ensure continuity and consistency between earlier pronouncements and actions taken
Democracy in Pakistan, a dynamic work-in-progress
Javed Jabbar | March 23,2017 | Published in Dawn. THE Lahore Resolution portrays a vision formulated through a consultative, democratic process. The creation of the original State of Pakistan in 1947 and its post-1971 renewal represent a continuation — with periodic suspensions — of participative methods to achieve state stability and national cohesion. Whether through non-official mechanisms such as political parties (most of which are internally non-democratic!) or through official elective institutions such as Parliament, the democratic principle, often elusive, remains a fundamental ideal. This dimension was distorted by four military interventions. Yet ironically, even in the military-led phases, the democratic facet was strengthened by the promotion of elected, truly empowered Local Governments (2001-2008) and the introduction, irreversibly, of private electronic media (2002 onwards). But just as the uniquely created national concept and the equally uniquely created State of Pakistan continue to evolve from the “baby” age of 70 years, so too should democratic systems be always improved and enhanced. Like the on-going evolution of Pakistani national identity which can be termed “Pakistaniat”, democracy in Pakistan is a dynamic work-in-progress. During the past 70 years, procedures, categories and compositions of our electoral system and elected institutions were sometimes advanced. For instance, seats in legislatures were increased to reflect growth of population. There were also substantive improvements. For example: reserved seats for technocrats in the Senate (1985); power to the indirectly elected Senate to initiate Bills to amend the Constitution (1985): 17 per cent reserved seats for women in the Senate, National Assembly and the four Provincial Assemblies, along with 33 per cent reserved seats for women in Local Bodies (2002) — all the above four changes occurring during military-led governments. The 18th Constitutional Amendment of 2010 is an excellent example of how civil, political, elected governments can forge a progressive consensus to decentralise power. Yet the same 18th Amendment regrettably added exclusion of non-Muslims from being eligible for election by the National Assembly as Prime Minister. This came on top of the prior exclusion of non-Muslims from eligibility for the Presidency. Why are some of us in the 97 per cent so afraid of the only three per cent?! To address new challenges and complexities that arise in times of rapid change and to deal effectively with issues specifi c to Pakistan’s needs we should debate and eventually adopt entirely new features, such as the ten listed below. These features could strengthen, deepen and reinforce democratic values and practices. The ten proposed reforms will seem a wishlist. So be it. Like long journeys that begin with small steps, practical changes can begin with impractical-looking dreams. Substantive changes in electoral and democratic systems and structures require overwhelming consensus between members who are already part of existing systems. Any reform that potentially disrupts familiar privileges and predictable continuity is likely to be strongly resisted. Yet as in some other countries and, on occasions, in Pakistan too, our legislators have transcended personal interests. We can begin by debating certain proposals so as to benefit from open, sustained public discourse and eventually shape constitutional and legal instruments for reform. The quorum quandary. The first step should be to decisively reduce, if not eliminate altogether, the quorum problem. This is a virus which infects virtually all legislatures. Even when there is substantive business to consider, majority ruling parties or coalitions are frequently unable to ensure the minimum required attendance. All legislators, especially directly- elected representatives, face enormous pressures on their time to address voters’ and constituencies’ problems, myriad issues which require personal involvement. However, there is absolutely no justification for the recurring tendency of the vast majority of legislators to remain absent from forums in most sittings. Being elected to a legislature is one of the highest honours that can be bestowed. Persistent absenteeism insults those very citizens who have granted this distinction to their representatives. To deal with extreme apathy, extreme disincentives would be fully justified. These can be heavy fi nes, loss of voting privileges, and expulsion for an x number of future sittings. Different options can be candidly debated before adoption. Make voting compulsory A second critical need is to make representation in legislatures authentically participative, and representative of the electorate. The country’s entire electoral system is an unthinking imitation of the first-past-the-post system used by Westminster and widely practised, as in the USA, India and elsewhere. But merely because the system is practised elsewhere does not oblige us to follow suit. Our conditions require innovation or adaptation. To illustrate the virtual absurdity of this system, let us assume there are five candidates in a given constituency. Four candidates get more votes on a combined basis than the fifth candidate who leads the rest simply because of obtaining say, just one vote more than the second highest competitor. Yet the fifth candidate goes on to represent all those who voted against him and who are larger in number than those who voted for her or him. To cap it all, only about 50 per cent of the registered voters bother to vote. Which means the winner also represents those who did not vote at all. To make the first-past-the-post system both non-participative and un-representative of public opinion. Two reforms can redress this anomaly. One: to make voting compulsory for all citizens aged 18 and above, as is done in over 20 countries of the world, including Australia, Argentina, Bolivia, Belgium, Egypt, Greece, Singapore. In such a system, there are penalties in case of failure to fulfil an essential duty in a democratic state i.e. to vote, to elect representatives and thus take individual self-responsibility for the composition and performance of legislators. Two: it is equally necessary to allow for a second round of voting in situations when the candidate with the highest number of votes has secured less than 50 per cent of the total registered votes. In a second round, of, say, the top two vote-getters, only the candidate securing a minimum of 51 per cent of the total registered
Educative Facts
Naseer Memon | June 11, 2017 | Published in The News. The chief minister of Sindh had to face an embarrassing situation when a recalcitrant mafia trashed his strict instructions against cheating during the school examinations in Sindh. The media ridiculed the writ of the government by airing footages of unrelenting cheating in the examinations and leaking of exam papers on a daily basis. The situation reached a level when the government of Sindh had to summon the counter-terrorism department to bring the haywire examinations machinery under control. Sindh was the leading province when it came to education indicators during the early decades of the country. However its education standard nose-dived particularly after the decade of 1980s. Over the years, the once glorified academic institutions of Sindh gained notoriety for substandard education, absentee teachers, politically appointed administration, sale and purchase of teaching jobs, unimpeded cheating in examinations, ghost teachers and dilapidated school infrastructure. Subsequent governments made the education department a dumping ground of political favourites and the teachers’ job became a routine bribery and a commodity to trade in the market. Within two decades, all indicators of education faltered to a rock-bottom. Public universities kept churning out graduates devoid of minimum abilities. Many of these graduates made their way to the various government departments through political connections and the monetary magic. All this culminated into a sloppy and venal bureaucracy running the public affairs of the province. Sindh took the lead in declaring education free and compulsory through an enactment after the 18th constitutional amendment that introduced Article 25-A to this effect. Similarly, the budgetary allocation for education consistently spiralled in Sindh and gets approximately one fourth of the total outlay. In spite of all that, most critical indicators of education depict a pitiable picture. The Economic Survey of Pakistan (2016-17) revealed that Sindh’s literacy rate has declined from 56 per cent in 2013-14 to 55 per cent in 2015-16. Literacy rate in the rural Sindh tumbled from 37 to 36 per cent. Whereas the public expenditure on education increased from Rs98,425 million in 2012-13 to Rs135,008 in 2015-16. The provincial government boasts of consistently higher allocation and spending on the education sector but has no convincing explanation for the untenable performance indicators. Comparing some key indicators of Sindh with Punjab provides a better insight into the state of education in the province. Sindh has a colossal 32 per cent dropout rate between the primary and the middle school levels. Whereas the dropout rate in Punjab at this level is only 12 per cent. A major reason for such huge dropout rate is the number of middle and high schools available in the two provinces. Sindh has only 19 per cent middle and high schools against 81 per cent primary schools of its total school strength. Whereas Punjab has 72 per cent of schools at the primary level compared to 28 per cent of its middle and high level schools. In other words, fewer students in Sindh get access to middle/high schools after passing their primary education. The situation becomes even worse for girls who face a serious challenge after passing their primary education to access middle and high schools. School infrastructure is another determinant to attract and retain students. Although some people believe that till a few decades back the country had most of the schools without basic facilities, the performance and quality of education was far better. Nevertheless, empirical research has proved that the quality of school infrastructure and availability of basic facilities have significant bearing on enrolment and retention of pupils. According to the Pakistan Education Statistics 2015-16, approximately 95 per cent of the schools in Punjab have basic facilities available. Sindh’s statistics are rather disappointing. Punjab has 92 per cent schools with electricity compared to only 37 per cent in Sindh. 98 per cent schools in Punjab have drinking water facility compared to only 49 per cent in Sindh. Punjab’s 96 per cent schools have boundary wall whereas only 58 per cent schools in Sindh have this facility. Similarly 98 per cent schools in Punjab have toilet facility compared to only 53 per cent in Sindh. Boundary wall and toilets particularly have a visible impact on the enrolment of girls. Sindh has a tendency of under-allocation and under-spending development budget in the education sector. In 2015-16, development expenditure was only Rs11,153 million against Rs123,855 million of administrative expenditure. Spending only 8 per cent on the development side would make it impossible to bridge the huge deficit of infrastructure. Punjab spends slightly better — 10.25 per cent — on infrastructure development in the education sector. Sindh ought to enhance development budget to not only improve the existing schools but also add new schools because some reports suggest that approximately six million children in the province are out of school. This number continues to grow with a sizeable population growth. A major problem that has plagued the education sector in Sindh is political interference. A large number of schools are non-functional (figures vary from 3000 to 7000 schools) and a significant number of teachers do not visit schools. No one has accurate figures of such teachers but the number runs into thousands. A serving provincial secretary in the education department revealed in 2014 that some 13,000 persons were illegally recruited in the department during the previous tenure of the government. Non-functional schools and ghost teachers enjoyed impunity due to political patronisation. Similarly posting of teachers has become a lucrative business in the province. Most of the teachers, specially females, prefer getting posted in the urban areas. This has resulted in a skewed Students Teachers Ratio (STR). According to the statistics, 6277 schools in Sindh have more than 50 students per teacher whereas 10,814 schools have less than 14 students per teacher. This disparity of the STR needs serious attention. Overcrowded and multi-grade classrooms crammed with students do not offer a healthy learning environment. These factors have a plausible correlation with cognitive abilities of students. Indicators of the academic
Questions on Campuses
Javed Jabbar | May 29, 2017 | Published in The News. Is Mashal Khan’s brutal mob killing in a northwestern university in Pakistan in April 2017 on unfounded allegations of blasphemy a symptom of a malignant disease that stifles intellectual freedom in Pakistani universities in general? There is a malaise which occasionally erupts into sores and boils. But its main roots are structural and managerial flaws. They are religion -driven only in some specific aspects and individual cases. There are other causes for the ailment. Unresolved tensions between a Federal Higher Education Commission and newly empowered, assertive Provincial Governments; proliferation of new universities without a commensurate expansion of qualified faculty; deficient standards of most public sector colleges and schools that provide students unprepared for the next levels of education; weak governance and ineffective enforcement of discipline, for both staff and students. The last of these factors most tragically enabled the hyper-swift, unchecked murder. No-go areas for freedom of speech and research on campuses cover several , but not all facets of faith, institutions, organizations and gender. These include: atheism; questioning the reverential status and finality of Prophet Muhammad; the sacredness of the Quran’s text; strong criticism of the superior Judiciary and the Armed Forces; the extremism of campus-based student wings of two or three political parties; gay and lesbian rights. In these respects, the intellectual freedom which is supposed to be a hall-mark for universities does not exist in Pakistan. The country has plenty of company. Neither does such freedom exist in virtually all other 56 Member-States of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. It is cold comfort to note that even in certain non-Muslim-dominant countries, specially in neighbour India, religious and political extremism can frequently assault free speech. Other than the red list of stay-away subjects, there is considerable scope for freedom of expression , verbal and written. The quality of most research output in the social sciences by academia in Pakistan is below globally-acknowledged par. Yet faculty and students with unorthodox or comparatively liberal views engage in candid exchanges. Discussions include diametrically opposite definitions of, and perceptions about secularism; the need to promote respect for pluralism and religious minorities; the military’s dominance in certain spheres; political misgovernance and corruption; the need for gender equity and increased investment in human resource development and other direly required reforms. Discourse is often robust and lively. As a visiting professor or guest lecturer at over 25 universities, colleges and other higher education and training institutions, civil and military, across the country, this writer has expressed views at strong, distinct variance from those held by religious political parties, including a couple with student wings on campuses, as also at variance with views held by some of the hosts. Even when one has stressed the merits of secularism and the wilful mistranslation of the term and concept in textbooks and in mainstream Urdu mass media to mean ” atheism ” or ” godlessness “, there has not been a single episode over the past 50 years when one’s candid views have been heckled or challenged. My frequent references to the need for vigorous ijtehaad ( the application of new knowledge and experience while remaining Muslim ) have been similarly accepted or even endorsed by most listeners. In a few instances, I have sensed unease in sections of students and faculty. But not once have I been threatened or prevented from speaking. Surprisingly, one is also re-invited. Sceptics may see non-disruptive reaction to my utterances as evidence of their innocuousness ! One respectfully disagrees. The record speaks. Perhaps YouTube may offer an example or two of the explicitness used by this writer to convey thoughts and opinions on subjects considered sensitive — without causing violent reactions. Though campuses in Pakistan are not always vibrantly bustling with radically progressive debate and non-violent discourse on controversial themes, inter- actions between differing perspectives do occur — while abstaining from the restricted zone of subjects cited earlier. A creeping religiosity has steadily advanced in society at large even as the realms of entertainment, TV, cinema, and fashion shows prominently project women who do not wear hijaabs or burqas. Campuses reflect primarily reflect the conservative rather than the modernist trends. Showy, faith-based piety , otherwise apparently as cultural as it is religious , decorative rather than violently destructive can, however, be occasionally combustible to become suddenly explosive. This fuse is lit by conditions external to campuses , primarily the obscurantism and exclusivism fostered by madrassas, sections of media ( including unlicensed religious TV channels that continue to transmit by obtaining stay orders from high courts against regulatory shut-down orders ), a new frenzy in some segments of society to react instantly and violently to suspected or actual examples of blasphemy signalling a disturbing collective derangement, a general grievance against western excesses in Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen , Libya, Syria, et al. In at least two verses of the Quran , God reserves the right to hold accountable those who attempt to character-assassinate Prophet Muhammad — violent retribution by humans for blasphemy is thus prohibited in Islam. In this very same Pakistan in which a religion-linked lynching took place on a university campus , not once in the ten general elections held in 1970 , 1977 , 1985 , 1988 , 1990 , 1993 , 1997 , 2002 , 2008 and 2013 have the religious political parties secured more than ten percent of the popular vote. Mainstreams of both society and campuses, notwithstanding the no-go areas for intellectual freedom , consistently prefer religious and political moderation. The terrible killing of Mashal Khan is a shameful aberration which should accelerate substantive reforms required in the universities of Pakistanas part of a larger social, progressive renewal. ———————- (The writer is a former Senator & Federal Minister & Member, Senate Forum for Policy Research. www.javedjabbar.com)
The fettered freedom
Naseer Memon | February 19, 2017 | Published in The News. Civil liberties are under attack in several countries. Dissenting opinions are being muzzled and divergent views are being insinuated as treachery. Intolerance to disagreement is attaining new peaks in several countries. Human rights defenders and those who amplify demand for rights of people are facing traumatic conditions. Obsessed with controlling society through iron-fist, many governments disdain civil society for its propensity of challenging extra-constitutional and undemocratic measures of governments. Sense of insecurity among rapacious ruling elite is triggered by the valour of defiant voices that refuse to stay indifferent to their unlawful tactics. Such voices are being gagged through frightening tactics. Human rights defenders are being systematically stalked, intimidated, demonised, abducted and tortured specially in fragile countries where governments are either completely dysfunctional or enjoy full immunity to exercise such repressive measures. Security, writ of law, religious sentiments, accountability and supreme national interests are some of the most frequently used excuses to silence civil society voices. Human rights defenders and civil society actors are vilified as foreign agents and perpetrators of anti-state acts. These techniques are being commonly practiced in several countries and space for independent voices and impartial civil society is shrinking at an alarming pace. Social sector funding has been asphyxiated in the name of scrutiny and controlling terror financing. Despite reservations, aid community and national civil society welcomed the move with a hope the government will introduce a diligent yet a transparent process to sift law evading entities operating in the garb of civil society and provide space to credible civil society organisations to ameliorate lives of disadvantaged masses. Unfortunately, the government could not develop a credible institutional mechanism of scrutiny and created a labyrinth of barricades. Absence of clear direction and facilitation mechanism has created multiple layers of authorities at various administrative tiers and subjective perceptions are allowed to determine the fate of civil society organisations’ work with no avenues of grievances’ redress. Legal lacunas and ambiguities have allowed arbitrary exercise of authority by various functionaries. Even if one gives benefit of doubt on intensions, lack of political will, institutional capacity, seriousness and realisation of the damage being inflicted on the society are starkly evident. All this is widening the trust deficit between the duty-bearers and the right-holders. The torment is not confined to the funded NGOs’ functioning but constitutional right to freedom of expression is also being denied through retrogressive policies, legislation and extra-legal coercive actions. Lack of coordination among government bodies has created a chaotic situation. The government could have done regulation in a decent and orderly manner through a meaningful engagement with civil society and funding organisations. The process could be streamlined by setting out clear guidelines for effective utilisation of aid money. Allowing rights-based organisation to strengthen public oversight on government affairs will bridge the gap between citizens and the state. This, in turn would fortify relationship between the two and lead towards a stable state that is owned and respected by people. Additionally, respect to freedom of expression and tolerance to divergent opinions are imperatives of various international commitments to which Pakistan is a signatory. Most importantly, primacy of this obligation is guaranteed by the constitution. This pesky paranoia is no more confined to the third world countries that have been chronically reeling under despotic regimes but the phenomenon has now engulfed parts of the world hitherto considered as cloistered islands of human freedom. Civil liberties are under invasion by the state functionaries as well as the so called supra-state actors in several countries. In 2011, CIVICUS, a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society, undertook a survey of civil society organisations in 33 countries. 87 per cent of them identified national or internal factors constraining their funding. Darin Christensen and Jeremy Weinstein find that out of 98 countries for which comprehensive data are available, 12 countries prohibit and 39 countries now restrict foreign financing of domestic NGOs. Several countries have introduced strictures to control civil society groups. There are striking similarities in legislative and regulatory curbs applied against non-governmental organisations in various countries. These governments mainly target rights-based groups working with political approach. These governments despise rights-based groups striving to strengthen accountability of governments through active engagement of a vigilant and organised citizenry. In Uzbekistan, the government dissolved more than 300 local NGOs and forced the remaining ones to join the government-controlled National Association of Nongovernmental Noncommercial Organisations. Uzbek NGOs seeking to receive foreign funding need to obtain approval from the Commission under the Cabinet of Ministers. In 2008, Jordan enacted a new law of societies that requires any NGO seeking to receive foreign funding to obtain approval from the Jordanian cabinet and inform officials of the funding source, amount, and intended purpose. The Ethiopian legislature in 2009 drastically restricted the political space for civil society by enacting the Charities and Societies Proclamation, which defines all NGOs receiving more than 10 per cent of their funding from foreign sources as “foreign charities” and prohibits them from political activities or those related to human rights or rule of law. The Venezuelan National Assembly in December 2010 passed the Law for the Defense of Political Sovereignty and National Self-Determination, which explicitly prohibits NGOs that “defend political rights” or “monitor the performance of public bodies” from receiving any income from foreign sources and imposes fines on organisations that invite foreigners whose opinions “offend the institutions of state or top officials.” The Algerian National Assembly in 2012 adopted a new Law on Association that not only allows broad governmental discretion in the NGO registration process and limits the areas in which NGOs can be active, but also precludes Algerian NGOs from receiving foreign funding outside of “official cooperation relationships,” a term that is not clearly defined by the law. In August 2010, the Indian Parliament passed the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act aimed at prohibiting foreign contributions and hospitality “for any activities detrimental to the national interest and for matters